YAKUBU MOHAMMED: BUHARI-IDIAGBON EXECUTIONS

The debate is by no means over. Not with six persons on the death row and the recent discovery of a cocaine shop somewhere in Surulere.

But as it for the benefit of those who think that the kind of emotive debate that greeted the execution of Barthlomew Owoh, Lawal Ojulope and Bernard Ogedegbe can sway the government, Major General Tunde Idiagbon last week, with a tone of finality, let it be known that as far as death to cocaine traffickers is concerned, there is no going back. That seems to be it.

It does not make any sense to plead posthumously. Otherwise, the only persons that should have been shown some clemency were the unfortunate trio. 

There was no death penalty for the offences they committed at the time of the commission. 

The decree took retroactive effect and, therefore what was not a crime punishable by death when they were caught became an offence for which they had to die. It made their death pathetic. 

By bringing their execution through the television to the homes of Nigerians who would normally want to be spared such horrible spectacle, their sense of pity and outrage was aroused. This helped to sharpen the debate of death penalty.

But it must be clear by now to all those who have even a nodding acquaintance with the psychology of a military regime that wants to present a no-nonsense public image, that public debate, the type that gained currency following the execution of April 10, cannot change the mind of the government.

I am opposed to death penalty, I am particularly opposed to televised public execution of either armed robbers or cocaine traffickers. It dehumanises. And it brutalises, especially youths. 

There must be a more humane and civilised way of going about this thing. If it can be avoided, for God's sake, let's avoid it. Let us stop killing drug pushers. 

But having killed the first three offenders, what kind of justice would it amount to this late hour to pardon subsequent convicts? 

But already there is a law and it has taken its first toll from those who did not even suspect that what they were doing might lead to their death. 

Those who committed the crime thereafter knew what they were doing and what they were letting themselves into. How do you go about it? Pardon them and create double standard?

I think the way to go about it is to make our objections known to the government forcefully enough without breaking the law, without daring it to a duel, without threatening fire and brimstone each time the government comes up with a decree that is percieved to be draconian and objectionable, if not obnoxious.

Apart from cocaine, there are other offences under Decree 20, ominously titled miscellaneous offences decree, which attracts death penalty. 

One person, Vincent Agulannah, has already been convicted for illegally storing petroleum products in Aba, Imo State. He is awaiting death by firing squad. 

If you set fire to a public building, the reward is death by firing squad. This has come about because of the frequency with which public buildings were torched once there was a large scale fraud and a probe was on or was likely to be instituted. 

It is difficult to plead for anybody so evily disposed to set fire to an edifice put up through the sweat of the citizens. 

Damage of any kind to public property attracts death penalty. This includes theft of electricity cables and cables belonging to NITEL. If you tamper with them in any way, the likely result would be death. 

Some people have suggested that if you have faulty electrical connections in your house and two or three trips to NEPA office would not solve the problem, you cannot invite an electrician to come take a look.

Or if somewhere near your house the rat has eaten up part of your telephone wire, you cannot call somebody to join it if the NITEL chaps are not forthcoming. It might be construed to mean tampering with telephone wires. 

The rat-tat, rat-tat of the executioners might be awaiting you inside Kirikiri. Out of the 14 offences listed under decree 20, eight carry death penalty. 

Some of the offences are grave like unlawful dealing in crude oil, petroleum or petroleum products, dealing in cocaine, tampering with telephone wires, e.t.c. But are they grave enough to be punished by death?

The military does not pretend to be running a democratic government. But so far it has not abolished public discourse of national issues. 

So why not let's take a dispassionate look at some of these law with a view of making amendments where necessary?

 Idiagbon said that if death does not serve as a deterrent, he cannot see what will. So death penalty must continue. Especially since we have already created a precedent. 

But so that we are not perceived as a bloody-minded society, can we not reduce the offences that attract death to a few grave ones? 

The man who "tampers" with telephone wire might not be stealing the wires. He might have genuinely called a technician to take care of his erratic telephone. Must he be shot? 

Under this decree, that an offence punishable by firing squad. Do not forget that companies that have many telephone and telex lines have technicians to maintain their telecommunications outfit. Will they not run foul of Decree 20 in the discharge of their duties?

It does not detract from the military nature of the government to take a look at some of these issues. 

It is not a sign of weakness on the part of the government to bow to public outcry when it is reasonable to bow to public outcry when it is reasonable to do so. 

That is not to lose sight of the fact that no serious government would allow itself to be blown about by public opinion on all issues because there are some vested and deeply entrenched interests whose outpourings, which are intrinsically self-serving, cannot be equated with public opinion. 

But on issues that touch the lives of the citizens, government would do well to listen and take steps to make some adjustments.

Above all, government can do without retroactive decrees. Government should not look like it is ever so ready to punish it cannot wait for the people to break its laws.

GARBA SHEHU: DON'T FOIST A FAKE SHEKAU ON APC

We wonder where the ‘new Shekau’ will come from after government at several times in the past, announced that they had killed the insurgents’ leader.

The charge to the military is that they should catch Shekau alive by the President Goodluck Jonathan in the last 24 hours lends credence to the report that indeed a fake Shekau is about to be created.

It is both contradictory to the ideology he preaches and the psychological profile that the world has of him that Shekau would allow himself to be caught alive.

The police who are constitutionally empowered to investigate and report on such incidents have not contradicted the widespread belief that it was a Boko Haram attack.

The view of the APC is that it does not make sense for Buhari to be in league with, or associated in any way with people who have set out to kill him.

Unfounded allegations linking the opposition to insurgency amount to leaving the issues to pursue personal attacks as warned against, barely 24 hours ago by leaders of the Catholic community in the country, through Arch. Bishop John Onaiyekan.

AKIN OREBIYI: 400,000 PVCs YET TO BE DELIVERED TO LAGOS

As of February 14, we had distributed 3,619,640 out of 5,905,852 registered voters. That is about 64 per cent but it is the highest in Nigeria. 

We are still awaiting the arrival of about 400,000 PVCs from the national headquarters and as soon as we are able to receive them, we will make them available.

We are expecting additional cards in all the 20 local governments in the state but some areas have high number of outstanding cards which we should get soon. 

In Oshodi/Isolo Local Government Area, places like Bolade, Orile, Isolo and Okota and a number of places in the LGA are affected.

In Mushin LGA, we are still expecting cards for Mushin Olateju ward, specifically 28 polling units there; Ilasa, Mushin Atewolara, Itire, Alakara, Papa Olosha, Papa Ajao, as well as Kayode and Fadeyi

In Ibeju/Lekki LGA, we are still expecting a few cards in Simiwon Igbekodo, CHS Lakowe, Abijo and Orinmawa. In Ikeja LGA, we are still expecting cards in Alausa, Oregun, Olusosun, Ojodu, Agidingbi and Omole wards.

In Ifako/Ijaye LGA, we are expecting cards for old Ifako, Karaole, Ijaye, new Ifako, Oyemekun, Fagba, Akute, Ishaga, Iju Obawole, Abule Egba, Ijaye, ojokoro, Ijaye Agbado, Kolington, Alakuko, as well as Ajegunle and Akinde wards.

In Ikorodu, outstanding cards are for Isele 1 and 2, Aga Ijowu, Ipakodo, Imota. In Ajeromi/Ifelodun LGA, we are expecting in Awodiora, Temidire, Ojo, Mosafejo, Tolu

In Eti-Osa LGA, Lekki, Ikate, Sangotedo, Langbasa, Badore and Ikoyi. In Surulere LG, Adeniran Ogunsanya, Itire and Coker.

In Amuwo Odofin LGA, there are outstanding cards for Kirikiri, Jakande Housing Estate at Mile 2, Festac, Satellite and Ijegun.

In Alimosho, we want to urge our people to continue to exercise patience especially in Shasha, Akowonjo, Idimu, Isheri Olofin, Ikotun, Ijegun, Egbe, Agbodo and Ipaja to Ayobo. For Ojo LGA: Sabo Oniba, Ijankini and Ojo. In Lagos Island LGA: Oko Awo, Olowogbowo, Oluwole, Oke arin, and Idumota.

In Kosofe LGA: Ifako, Solurin, Ikosi, Alapere, Isheri Olowo Ira. In Shomolu, we have yet to get cards for Ladylak.

What we are planning is that by Friday, we will move from the local government office to the polling units. On Fridays and Saturdays, we will be at the polling units so that people will be able to collect their PVCs from near their houses.

We will also do it on February 27 and February 28 and on March 6, March 7, and 8. 

We will do another weekend distribution of polling units but during weekdays, people can go to our local government offices to collect the the cards.

JEGA: THE ADVANTAGES OF USING THE CARD READERS

  For the 2015 general elections, the commission has decided to introduce the use of Card Readers (CRs), which will be used on the day of election in every polling unit and voting point, to verify and authenticate the PVC presented by a voter. This is so as to eliminate or at least drastically minimise multiple voting and confer additional credibility to the electoral process. 

  The commission ordered for the production and delivery of 182,000 customised CRs, sufficient for the 150,829 voting points (VPs), plus redundancies. Out of this number, 154,500 have since been delivered and distributed to the states and FCT. The remaining balance of 27,500 have been produced and shipped and is expected on Wednesday, February 4th. 

  Configuration of the CRs sent to the states commenced last Thursday, January 28, 2015 and is now virtually completed, with minimal challenges. We have tested the durability and functionality of the CRs, using internally acceptable standards of quality assurance (QA) and are satisfied by the results. 

  We have worked out the modalities for using the CRs, which have been endorsed by the political parties, and which have now been incorporated into the Guidelines for the 2015 general elections. 

  Using the CRs has enormous advantages. First, once configured, it can only read PVCs issued by INEC. Second, it reads the embedded microchip in the card, not the barcode. Third, it enables authentication of the identity of the voter by matching his/her fingerprints with that stored on the chip. Fourth, it keeps a tally of all cards read, all cards verified/authenticated or not, with all their details. Fifth, this information can be sent to a central server using and SMS. Sixth, the stored information on the server would enable INEC audit results from polling units, as well as do a range of statistical analysis of the demographics of voting, something INEC has never been able to do effectively. Seven, the RA/Ward Collation Officer can use this information to audit PU result sheets and determine whether accreditation figures have been altered (a common feature of electoral fraud). 

  Using the CRs has two main challenges. What if a Card Reader fails? What if a person is verified but his fingerprint cannot be authenticated? We have worked with political parties and agreed on what to do if any of these arises. 

  In the highly unlikely event that a CR fails, we have enough spares to deploy before the end of accreditation at 1 pm and adjust the time to gain lost time. If we cannot replace before end of accreditation, then election in that voting point would be postponed to the following day when a new CR would be provided. 

  If a voter’s PVC has been read and his details verified, but his fingerprints cannot be authenticated, or he/she has no fingers, an incidence form would be written by the Presiding Officer of the voting point and the voter would then be accredited. Party Agents and Observers would be there to testify to this.

  The nation has invested a lot in the CRs and PVC technology and the commission believes that using them in the 2015 general elections would confer remarkable transparency and credibility to the electoral process. 

  There have been demands that the commission should revert to the use of Temporary Voters’ Cards (TVRs) issued during the 2011 registration and the subsequent Continuous Voters Registration (CVR). 

  The TVCs have no chips and therefore cannot be verified/authenticated by the CRs. Also, there were more than 4 million cases of multiple registration; people with TVCs, who have been removed from the certified Register of Voters for the 2015 elections, once the use of TVCs is allowed, many of these would inundate polling units on election day; their names will not be in the register, and they would start agitation that they have been ‘disenfranchised’, as was the case during the Anambra State governorship elections in November 2013. 

  In any case, people who collected PVCs no longer have TVCs because they used them to exchange for PVCs. Additionally, a high percentage of voters had to use the attestation forms provided to collect their PVCs due to loss of TVCs on account of floods, insurgency, etc.

SULE LAMIDO: BABA IS OUR BABA

Baba is more than a party man. He is an icon, a national symbol and a leader and an inventor, a creator of all the institutions today in Nigeria from the presidency to the governors who are his own sons, are all his creations. 

And so, when a father is angry with his own children, we will only say we are sorry to him. But then we cannot be renounced for whatever it is. 

If you do any political DNA of our blood, you will find his blood in us. No matter what we are, we may not be able to live up to his expectations. 

We might have made some mistakes, but abandoning us is not the solution because the country is first before anything else. So, he is our Baba even up to the president. 

Baba is our Baba no matter what. He is angry with us, but then, what do we do? He gave us the life at a time when Nigerians were fighting us, he stood for us.

SULE LAMIDO: APC IS AN AMALGAMATION OF DESPERATION

If you go through the social media, what they ‎paint is that APC has won almost 99 percent. In Nigeria?

What is APC? An amalgamation of pain, anger and desperation. And this country is too big for them.

What is this opposition In Nigeria? You must know Nigerian history. Nigeria cannot be governed by an aggregate of pain, anger and frustration. 

And I have been saying those called opposition who are now abusing us, whatever might have been our crime, it was that crime that made them. 

We created that for them to become either governors, or legislators, we created room for them to emerge. 

So whatever they think is our evil, they are the manifestations of the evil. Believe me, you don’t know Nigeria.

CHUCKS AKUNNA: BUHARI'S BOW TIE SIGN OF ISLAMIC RADICALISM

The bow tie worn by the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) presidential candidate, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, in recent campaign photographs may have raised worries over the retired general’s religious views, a diplomat has told THISDAY.

Buhari had last week met with Catholic Bishops in Abuja. At the meeting, the APC candidate allayed fears of an agenda to Islamise Nigeria, if elected president, describing the allegations of extremism levelled against him as baseless.

However, a diplomat from one of the Arab-speaking countries told THISDAY that the  decision of the APC candidate  to wear a bow tie may be a reflection of his strong Islamic beliefs.

Spokesman for the Buhari Campaign Organisation, Mallam Garba Shehu, however, said there was nothing unusual with the bow tie. He was quick to add that the photograph was taken long before he became Buhari’s media manager and therefore could not comment on why a bow tie was chosen.

He promised to “cross check and get back.”

Elaborating on the photograph, the diplomat said, “I don’t know why (he) Buhari chose a bow tie. But we know that radical Muslims don’t wear neck ties out of the belief that it is Haram (sin).

“Such Muslims believe that the neck tie looks like a cross, which Christians consider the most important spiritual symbol of their faith, reason they don’t wear it.

“However, when it becomes absolutely necessary to wear a tie, such Muslims simply go for bow ties,” said the envoy.

The diplomat who didn’t want his name in print, was quick to add that millions of  Muslims around the world, including himself, wear neck ties, “not minding the religious theories surrounding its origin.”

He said, “We  have great Muslim professionals like lawyers, bankers and security operatives who wear neck ties.”

Buhari had in 2002 reportedly urged Muslims to vote for only Muslim candidates. The report had portrayed the retired general as a fundamentalist, an impression he has been fighting hard to change.

The APC candidate has been accused by rival Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) of harbouring a religious agenda. PDP has also accused APC of supporting the terrorist organisation Boko Haram.

THISDAY gathered that one of the strategies adopted by Buhari’s handlers to woo Christian voters, particularly in the South-east and South-south was to capture him in a suit and tie.

The handlers also released another campaign photograph of the retired general in traditional Igbo attire, apparently to appeal to the Igbo who have a block vote in the five South-east states.

The campaign photographs had Buhari and his running mate Prof. Yemi Osinbajo in suit.

In the photograph, Buhari was decked in black suit, a white shirt, a black bow tie and a pair of designer glasses. Osinbajo, a professor of law, had a black suit on, a white shirt, and a dotted red tie.

This is the first time Buhari, who ran for the presidency in 2003, 2007 and 2011, would brand himself in suit and tie.

In the three previous elections, the 72-year old retired general used baban riga (flowing robes) and cap for his campaign posters.

However, according to the diplomat,  Buhari’s preference for a bow tie to a neck tie may have backfired.

He pointed to the United States where  members of the islamic religious movement, Nation of Islam (NOI), do not wear neck ties.

Such NOI members, he said, include former world boxing champion Muhammed Ali, Malcolm X and NOI leader and world famous Islamic preacher, Loius Farrakhan.

THISDAY checks revealed that some Christians prefer bow ties over neck ties as a matter of style. For radical muslims, however, said the diplomat, “it is a matter of faith versus fashion.” 

The diplomat claimed that Buhari may have settled for a bow tie “to strike a balance between achieving some degree of acceptance among Christians and not offending the religious sensibilities of certain category of muslims.”

He said, “Look at the former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), (Sanusi Lamido Sanusi), before his appointment as the Emir of Kano, he (Sanusi) was a professional banker but never wore a neck tie.

“Due to Sanusi’s strict Islamic upbringing and education, he had to always make do with bow ties,” claimed the diplomat.

He told THISDAY that Shitte muslims don’t wear neck ties for religious and ideological reasons. Iran is home of Shitte muslims.

“After the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran overthrew the monarchy, the country’s new spiritual leader, Ayatollah Khomeni, banned neck and bow ties.

“Till date, most Iranians, including President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, wear suits but leave the collars of their shirts open,” he declared.

TUNDE FAGBENLE: JEGA CAN BE REMOVED

In one breadth the president is telling us that he has no intention of sacking the INEC chairman, in another he is reminding us that it is, albeit, within his almighty presidential powers to remove the electoral umpire is he so chooses. “I appointed all the commissioners and resident electoral commissioners in INEC. They are my appointees. 

So if I feel that Jega is not good enough for obvious reasons, then I can by the provisions of the constitution that gives the person who appoints him the power to remove him, do so,” says the president.

One wonders why there should be need for that reminder of his “presidential powers” other than to prepare our minds for the eventuality of its exercise. 

But my brother, the irrepressible human rights lawyer, Mr. Femi Falana (SAN), tries to assure us that it will be outside the constitutional powers of the president for GEJ to unilaterally sack Professor Attahiru Jega as chairman of INEC. “INEC is created by virtue of provisions of Section 153 of the Constitution. 

The removal of INEC chairman is guided by provisions of section 157(1) and (2), says Falana, according to a report in The PUNCH of Wednesday Feb 11.

He said further, “The INEC Chairman cannot be asked to proceed on a terminal leave because he is not a civil servant and such is not provided for in the Constitution. He cannot be removed by the president without the two-thirds majority support of the Senate.”

I am not impressed or deceived by Falana’s position and the preemptive outcry of the opposition against the suspected intention of GEJ to relieve Jega of his post. There is a precedent to forewarn us. 

Or wasn’t there the case of a certain Sanusi Lamido Sanusi who as then governor of Central Bank of Nigeria beat his chest and shouted from the rooftop that no president of Nigeria has the power to remove him or send him on compulsory leave against his wish? 

Didn’t the same president Jonathan assure us that the sacking of Sanusi was not even on the cards? Were we not witnesses to what happened right before our very eyes the very next minute and in spite of all our grandstanding? 

Wasn’t Sanusi summarily sent packing overnight with not as much as a whimper from him or any of the many quarters that were threatening fire and brimstone were Sanusi to be removed, since it would be a pointer, we had said, that the government of Jonathan was guilty of the charge of missing 20 billion dollars as Sanusi had levelled against it?

The truth is that we are a funny people in a funny country. And those who lead us do so by our noses. They are pretty sure Nigerians are only good at barking they hardly can summon the will or courage to give bite to their protests, hence the reign of impunity on the land. Heaven will not fall, is the common refrain in the mouths and hearts of those who govern us. And, indeed, heaven never falls!

Something tells me Jega will be removed before the elections, and I am sure Jega himself is prepared for such eventuality; ready to hold his head high and his hard-earned integrity intact rather than succumb to any blackmail and act against his conscience.

TUNDE FAGBENLE: JEGA BEING TOO CLEVER BY HALF

As a matter of fact and despite INEC and Jega’s grandstanding, preparations for the elections were not (and still, are not) as reassuring as to be desired. With only a few weeks to the election more than a third of the total registered voters stood the chance of being disenfranchised out of no fault of theirs. 

The almighty Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) required for voting were not ready or physically available at various centres for collection, and if they were, the manpower to man the centres and hand them out applying all the procedures of authentication, was not available. And, in all probability, that percentage of those without PVC could not be significantly reduced.

This column of February 1 on the prospect of the postponement had anticipated such with a “naïve” endorsement that: “Certainly there is some logic in the argument. If 50, 40, 30, even 20 per cent of potential voters are denied their right to vote, by any act of omission or commission of the electoral umpires or authorities, such election cannot be considered fair or wholesome, and the credibility would be suspect.”

However, for anyone to hang the postponement on the issue of Boko Haram or insecurity in some parts of the Northeast is, in my opinion, being too clever. 

Defeat of Boko Haram or attaining security in the few security-challenged local governments cannot and must not be condition precedent for the election to hold; for, regardless of any promises to the contrary, those matters will still be there well beyond the new March 28 date, unless, of course, those that will clear the mess are, in the suspicion of some people, those behind the mess all along! 

Good thing President Jonathan cleared the air on that: “Nobody is saying that Boko Haram will be totally wiped out before elections can be held but in the next six weeks some serious advances will be made.”

TUNDE FAGBENLE: HOW FEBUHARI FELL TO THE CAT

The postponement of the elections from February 14 to March 28 is another such matter of admixture of game and truth. 

Right from the moment on January 22 that Sambo Dasuki, the National Security Adviser (NSA), gave such “free advice” suggesting that the election be postponed by at least a month, it was clear to those who are not in the business of deceiving self that announcement of the postponement was merely a question of time. And, again, it came against all outcries and threats not to dare!

One sure pigeon that fell to the cat of February 14 postponement is the popular APC hash-tag of “Fe-Buhari 14” that plays on the February date and the Yoruba word “Fe” for “Love”, to make “Love Buhari”. 

All of a sudden, that copy went up in smoke together with the millions of naira worth campaign materials. It may be an unintended consequence, but I would not put it past the hard schemers in the ruling party, PDP, to have conceived it. 

The momentum of the opposition APC was apparent and its lead in the polls more real than imagined. Pushing the election date farther was a plausible game plan.

JIDE AJANI: THAT IS HOW PREPARED INEC WAS

Between Attahiru Jega and his God, he knows what has gone down.
For this column, we also know, in details, what went down on Saturday, February 7, 2015.   But do Nigerians know?  Do Nigerians care to know? Do Nigerians want to know?  Do Nigerians need to know?

We take them one after the other. Nigerians in their millions, across the partisan divide, do not know what went down before Jega’s announcement of the postponement of the 2015 elections.

To the second question, Nigerians, across the partisan divide, and in their millions, do not care to know because the environment has been sufficiently poisoned by those whose stock in trade is political environmental pollution, using spheres like the traditional and social media, civil society groups and those who are the most vulnerable – the hoi-po-loi.

But don’t be deceived, some patriotic Nigerians would really want to know the truth about what actually happened.

However, do Nigerians need to know?   Yes!   Nigerians must be told the truth for, in the final analysis, when the drama between the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, and the All Progressives Congress, APC, has ended, people will have their conscience to deal with whichever way the pendulum swings and, thereafter, live with the consequences of their actions – be it a Goodluck Jonathan or a Muhammadu Buhari victory.

Jega’s conscience!   My conscience! Your conscience! Our  conscience!

We have a stake in the country Nigeria but we allow our emotions and desires becloud reason. Whatever we do as humans, conscience is supposed to serve as a guide.   But that is a mere supposition.   

That is why Nigeria is in a mess. And that is where scruples come in – for without scruples, unconscionable acts are allowed! That is why one of the most abusive qualifiers in the dictionary is the word ‘unscrupulous’. 

To be described as an unscrupulous individual decimates the humanity in that person. Therefore, in all we do, a tincture of scruples as a guide would go a long way in attenuating the debilitating influence of desire and emotion over reason.

So, what do we know to be true?

By Jega’s own admission, in his presentation to the National Council of State, he pleaded that “we could do with more days of especially hands-on training for Pos and APOs”, after earlier admitting in the same presentation that “timelines have been missed in respect of the supply/delivery of some of the non-sensitive materials to states”, while, thereafter, concluding that “a bit more time of additional preparation would enable us improve and perfect the current level of preparedness”.

As at the day of the postponement of the elections, apart from the now known security challenge, the following were the real issues confronting INEC:

*Training manual not ready *Presiding Officers yet to be trained *700,000 ad hoc staff not recruited yet *PVCs still being printed abroad *RECs yet to print Voter Register *Printers for Register still in Abuja *No full complement of ballot boxes *Presidential ballot papers to arrive February 12 *No information about other ballot papers *Fake printing inks sent to states from  INEC headquarters rejected *Many states yet to get balance of Card Readers.

Interestingly, Jega told the Council of State that almost everything was ready for the elections. He repeated the same thing during his postponement speech.

That this medium has consistently put Jega on the spot regarding his responsibilities does not in any way suggest that it enjoys haranguing the embattled INEC Chairman.   This is a national duty.  

Just about three years ago, it was this same medium – using this same platform – that went to town to extol the virtues of Jega’s paradigm shift in his drive to bequeath to Nigerians an electoral culture that could match that of any developed country.   

But once Jega lost focus, by allowing some of the people he appointed and with spheres of responsibilities and influence which make National Commissioners and Resident Electoral Commissioners, RECs, redundant, it became our bounding duty to tell Nigerians the truth about happenings in INEC.

For instance, after months of serially exposing the evil in the lopsided allocation of 30,000 Polling Units (dashing the North over 21,000 and graciously, though in a whimsical manner, giving the entire South just a little over 8,000), with Jega and his co-travelers defending the indefensible sharing formular, and sometimes barefacedly telling lies, sending tons of rejoinders and even insulting the sensibilities of undiscerning and unsuspecting Nigerians, Jega buckled under the weight of public opinion.

Now, the chap in the Commission, an appointee, Jega’s staff, who engaged this ridiculous allocation, is the selfsame individual who is expected to freely, fairly and creditably allocate voting materials.

That is not all. There is the Chinese angle to all of these. Whereas Jega told Nigerians that everything was on ground for the elections and all systems would have gone by yesterday, information emanating from China where the Commission contracted suppliers to produce the Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC) has it that over 1 million cards, which were yet to be produced, will not be ready before Monday 16th February. This is due to a compulsory public holiday celebration in China which has upset the production deadlines anticipated by INEC.

Also in the field, poor information dissemination at polling unit levels, on the part of INEC, has resulted in many eligible voters wasting precious man-hours in search of elusive PVCs with many frustrated by the futile exercise. From the current development, it appears INEC may have indeed hidden behind the security concerns to disguise its lack of readiness for the election.

Moreover, it has also emerged that thousands of PVCs, which have been supplied, were poorly sorted, resulting in many PVCs being distributed to states other than the states of their owners. 

For instance, some PVCs meant for states in the South-West have been found in the South-South and vice versa while some PVCs meant for voters in the South-West ended up in other geo-political zones.

That is how prepared INEC was.

COL. GBULIE (RTD): THE NORTH HAD LOWER STANDARDS OF ADMISSION

In an attempt to catch up militarily with the South, the Northern politicians had thrown out all discretion. 

They had lowered standards of admission drastically, settling for the minimum. For as I recalled, all the Northerners in my intake had been trained at the Mons Officer Cadet School in Aldershot. 

And they had become officers after barely six months of military training, whereas those of us who had been sent to Sandhurst had had to do two long years to earn the Queen’s Commission. 

The implications were quite clear – and most disturbing. Not only had these Northerners become commissioned officers before we were half-way through our first year at Sandhurst, they had all risen to the enviable rank of Captain before we could even appear at the sovereign’s parade which served essentially as a prerequisite for our passing out as Second Lieutenants.

By 1964 a group of young Nigerian officer-cadets, mostly Northerners, had been declared academically unfit and hence repatriated by the Canadian military authorities. 

These cadets were however pronounced commissioned by the Nigerian Federal Government no sooner than they had arrived at the Ikeja Airport. 

Consequently they had had to be absorbed into the Nigerian Army as commissioned officers, even though they had received no requisite military training.

 Zak (Maimalari) had held the rank of Captain in 1960. But before my return from the United Kingdom in 1963, he had soared to the top rank of Brigadier. 

In other words, he had risen from Captain to Temporary/Major, to Substantive/Major, to Temporary/Lieutenant-Colonel, to Substantive/Colonel and then to Brigadier, all within that short span of time. It was just scandalous.